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style. Hello
1:02
I'm Matt Lewis. Welcome to Gone
1:04
Medieval from History Hit, the podcast
1:06
that delves into the greatest millennium
1:08
in human history. We've got the
1:11
most intriguing mysteries, the gobsmacking details,
1:13
and latest groundbreaking research from the
1:15
Vikings to the printing press, from
1:17
kings to popes to the crusades.
1:20
We cross centuries and continents to
1:22
delve into rebellions, plots and murders
1:24
to find the stories, big and
1:26
small, that tell us how we
1:28
got here. Find out
1:31
who we really were with Gone
1:33
Medieval. Medieval
1:37
Christians had a problematic relationship
1:39
with Jewish populations as the
1:41
period progressed. Frequently persecuted,
1:44
targeted, and pushed out by societies
1:46
across Europe, they were the focus
1:48
of hatred and violence. In
1:51
England, Edward I issued the Edict of
1:53
Expulsion in 1290 and it
1:56
remained illegal to be Jewish in England
1:58
for 350 years. years.
2:01
Antisemitism is a word that we still
2:03
hear a lot today too, but how
2:06
and when did it emerge in the
2:08
medieval Christian West? To try
2:10
to answer that question I'm delighted to
2:12
be joined by Ivan Marcus who is
2:14
the Frederick P. Rose Professor of Jewish
2:16
History at Yale University. Ivan's
2:18
new book How the West Became Antisemitic
2:20
is available now from Princeton University Press
2:22
and Ivan is joining me to answer
2:25
some of my questions about this complex
2:27
topic. Welcome to Gone Medieval Ivan. Thank
2:29
you, good to be here. I've
2:31
read the book, I really enjoyed it.
2:34
It's a really fascinating way of exploring
2:36
how antisemitism was kind of
2:38
born in the Christian West and there was a
2:40
few things I wanted to pick out and talk
2:42
to you about if I may. Sure. One thing
2:44
that you mentioned is latrine blasphemy is something you
2:47
explore in the book. So why are Jews engaging
2:49
in that kind of behavior? What is latrine blasphemy
2:51
and why are the Jews doing it? The
2:54
problem starts with the definition of what
2:56
is holy and it's
2:58
a shared definition between Judaism
3:01
and Christianity and in conceiving
3:04
of the holy there is the notion
3:06
that is the opposite not
3:08
only of the physical but of that
3:10
aspect of the physical which is the
3:12
least attractive namely bodily
3:14
elimination and in different
3:17
ways Jews developed this antithesis
3:20
between the holy and bodily
3:22
elimination and applied the absolute
3:24
opposite of the holy to
3:27
Christianity and particularly the religious
3:29
cult of Christianity and the association of
3:31
the most holy figures in
3:34
Christianity with latrines or bodily
3:36
elimination. In a reverse parallel
3:38
way some Christians thought
3:41
of Jews themselves as belonging in
3:43
latrines and we have some stories
3:45
about Jews landing in latrines and
3:47
not being rescued and Christian clerics
3:49
giggling about this but on the
3:52
Jewish side there's also a serious
3:54
aspect to it and that Jews
3:56
could not conceive of the incarnation as
3:58
something possible. and they thought
4:01
of Jesus and in Mary's body
4:03
as being not too anatomically correct
4:05
in the wrong canals and therefore
4:07
connected to elimination. And so that
4:09
was another reinforcement of that negative
4:11
association. Interesting. So does it grow
4:13
out of Christianity's connection to that
4:15
idea of virgin conception and virgin
4:17
birth and a Jewish desire to
4:19
explain that that can't be real?
4:21
Yes, I think so. I think
4:23
it's an attack on that idea
4:26
as inconceivable and then
4:28
a counter-argument that the real
4:30
holy is on the Jewish side
4:32
and in the promotion of real
4:35
Jewish families producing real Jewish children
4:37
so that the holy family in a
4:39
sense becomes for Jews the opposite of
4:41
what Christians think of it as. And
4:44
each one is talking about the other
4:46
in a kind of oppositional, polemical fashion.
4:48
They use the same terms but they
4:50
see them in opposite meanings. Yeah. I
4:52
mean if it wasn't for the fact
4:54
that this is obviously on a continental
4:57
scale, it sounds like squabbling children a
4:59
little bit, doesn't it? You smell bad,
5:01
no, you smell bad, you smell worse.
5:03
It's that kind of thing. Right,
5:05
sort of toilet behavior. But
5:07
I think that there's a deep
5:09
association between the physical and the spiritual
5:12
which is introduced largely on the
5:14
Christian side by Paul in
5:16
his letters of the body versus the spirit.
5:18
And Jews pick that up, I think, but
5:20
then apply it in the opposite meaning of
5:23
what Paul would want it to mean. Yeah.
5:26
One of the other things that you mentioned in the
5:28
book that I thought was quite interesting is that we
5:31
never consider the Jewish population to be part of the
5:33
three main groups that we
5:35
talk about in medieval Europe and the Near East.
5:37
So we talk about Christians, we'll talk about the
5:39
Byzantines and we'll talk about the Muslims, but
5:42
we don't particularly talk about the Jews. Why
5:44
do you think they're excluded from that sort
5:46
of overview that we have? I
5:48
think our notion of historical
5:50
reality is conditioned by 19th
5:52
century nationalism and the
5:54
whole notion of a history of a
5:56
people is defined by the land that
5:58
they occupied and over. And
6:01
so Jews didn't occupy territory, they
6:03
didn't rule over territory, and that
6:05
denied them historical agency in the
6:08
mind of Western historical narrators. And
6:10
so even when we think about
6:12
avoiding Eurocentrism by adding European contact
6:15
with the Muslim world or with
6:17
the Byzantine Christian world in the
6:19
East, historians who see themselves as
6:22
very broad-minded by doing that and
6:24
avoiding just looking at Latin Christendom
6:26
forget that within Latin Christendom there
6:28
was an entire civilization of communities
6:31
of individuals who actually had a
6:33
certain kind of local power, but
6:35
they didn't own land in the
6:37
territorial sense of either any of
6:39
the other three and therefore they
6:42
basically are not seen, they're basically
6:44
invisible. Yeah, it's a fascinating mission
6:47
on behalf of history and it's interesting that
6:49
you connect it to that to the 19th
6:51
century nationalism in history. I quite
6:53
often say that I think in an
6:55
Anglo-centric way our view of what
6:58
makes a good and bad king of England
7:00
during the medieval period is still very fashioned
7:02
by that 19th century idea of the kings
7:04
who went and conquered somewhere are great and
7:06
the ones who didn't are poor. And it's
7:08
interesting that we're still so affected by a
7:11
hangover from that view of history, I think. Right,
7:14
I think it's very hard to think
7:16
of Jewish history as a legitimate field
7:18
because of the concern about land and
7:21
territory and rulership. It would be similarly
7:23
difficult in some ways to think of
7:25
the history of the church as being
7:28
an historical institution even though there were
7:30
lands in Italy that the church was
7:32
in charge of, papal lands and so
7:34
on, and Jews didn't even have that.
7:37
But it becomes a kind of abstraction
7:39
to think of a group without territory that
7:42
it ruled over as having a history. And
7:44
so one of the purposes of the beginning
7:46
of the book is to reassert that Jews
7:48
had a history in Europe, in
7:50
fact they even helped shape the majority's history.
7:53
And this is a story which has been
7:55
not really confronted directly
7:57
before. Christian
8:01
Europe then, was the relationship
8:03
between Christians and Jewish populations kind
8:06
of complicated by a shared heritage that
8:08
had diverged? Because there are some ways
8:10
in which we might have thought that
8:12
could have kept them fairly closely knitted
8:14
together, but it seems to be
8:16
what drives a wedge between them, that shared heritage. Right.
8:19
I think you have to think for a
8:21
moment about the biblical narratives of
8:23
the patriarchs of the brothers, starting
8:26
with Abraham's children, Ishmael and
8:28
Isaac, and then Isaac's two
8:30
sons, Esau and Jacob. Both
8:32
traditions understood that story as
8:35
their own story, but they
8:37
understood each one as the
8:39
story of the younger brother
8:41
who receives the promise in
8:43
the Bible, not the older brother.
8:45
So that Jews thought of themselves
8:47
as Isaac bearing the promise and of
8:50
Jacob of bearing the promise. And the
8:52
notion as in the Bible in Genesis
8:54
25, that the elder shall
8:57
serve the younger. This notion of
8:59
the elder serving the younger, this was
9:01
then understood by Paul in the opposite
9:03
way, that it was the church
9:05
who was Isaac, the church that was Jacob,
9:07
and the Jews were Esau and the Jews
9:09
would be serving the younger. So
9:12
that you have a shared biblical
9:14
heritage, but each is rival for
9:16
the birthright. And so each one
9:18
sees each of the brothers in
9:20
the opposite way. It's interesting how
9:22
those things can be used for
9:25
whatever purpose, but was that
9:27
rivalry then kind of made
9:29
inevitable by this competing claim
9:31
between Christianity and Judaism, that
9:33
they were God's chosen
9:35
people? Yes, I think
9:38
that's the ultimate bedrock assumption
9:40
that leads to the conflict.
9:42
And it's very difficult, if not
9:44
impossible to overcome it, unless you
9:47
abolish the notion of
9:49
the biblical promise to begin with. If
9:51
you move into a secularized world where
9:53
individuals have equal human rights, and you
9:56
forget about the biblical legacy, which really
9:58
could never be forgotten. But
10:00
if you focus more on the more
10:02
18th century modern concept of individual dignity
10:04
and human rights, then you can overcome
10:07
it by simply bypassing it, and you
10:09
can separate church and state. You can
10:11
try to create more of a voluntary
10:13
set of communities where they may still
10:15
believe this, but under the state they
10:17
will not be able to theoretically do
10:20
harm to the others if it came
10:22
to a real dispute. The problem in
10:24
the West, though, is that for hundreds
10:26
of years, this was the only basic
10:28
dichotomy. And there
10:30
was no neutral public sphere.
10:33
So that Jews and Christians lived in their
10:35
own communities, they provided their own social services
10:37
for each other, there was no neutral sphere.
10:41
And so this could become
10:43
a major source of divisiveness
10:45
when circumstances provoked a departure
10:47
from every day getting along,
10:50
which I think was mostly the norm. I
10:52
think most of the time we forget that Jews
10:54
and Christians lived in the same towns, and
10:57
they lived nearby each other. There were no ghettos. And
11:00
most of the time they interacted with
11:02
each other economically and even socially. We
11:05
have lots of evidence from stories about this and legal
11:07
material as well. But
11:09
there were occasions when there were huge
11:11
disruptions and the differences became more important
11:14
than the similarities. And given
11:16
all of that sort of inherent
11:18
and growing rivalry throughout the medieval
11:20
period, why is it
11:22
that we still see Jewish communities
11:24
living with Christian communities across Europe?
11:27
There are places where Jews were frequently
11:29
unwelcome, England being a pretty good example
11:32
of that at various times. But
11:34
there were lots of places in Europe where
11:36
these communities did live together really
11:39
well, despite the religious differences. Should that be a
11:41
surprise to us? Because we think
11:43
of religion dominating the medieval mind so
11:45
much. How were they able to overcome
11:47
that and sort of set it aside? Right.
11:50
Well, I think you had
11:52
two major institutions promoting Jews
11:54
living in a Christian society. One were
11:56
the Papal tradition, which goes on and
11:58
on. back to
12:01
Pope Gregory I,
12:03
and even beyond that to the church father
12:05
Augustine of Hippo, and behind
12:07
him, St. Paul, that Jews
12:09
really belonged in a Christian
12:11
society. They were not to be
12:13
expelled from it. The parable of the wild olive
12:16
tree in Paul's letter to the Romans, chapter 11,
12:18
sees the Jews as
12:20
lopped off of the promise, which is
12:22
biblical Israel, and we're talking about the
12:24
two brothers before, but they are not
12:27
to be rejected, ejected. They're supposed to
12:29
be inside society for the day when
12:31
they will eventually see the light and
12:33
convert so they have a place in
12:36
Christian society. That notion was
12:38
turned into policy by all the
12:40
popes of Rome, at least until
12:42
the 16th century, when there
12:44
was a tremendous reaction to the Protestant
12:46
Reformation and the Catholic Reformation, Paul
12:48
IV, argued really for
12:50
the first time that Jews should actively
12:52
be converted to Christianity, and
12:55
there is no place for Jews
12:57
in a Christian society. The other
12:59
institution were the temporal rulers, mainly
13:02
kings, but also aristocratic counts. They
13:04
saw Jews as bringing liquid capital
13:06
into their society, which was mostly
13:09
rural, so they saw an
13:11
economic advantage to them and supplying
13:13
them with luxury goods in the court, and
13:16
so there were two basic arguments
13:18
for Jews to be in society
13:20
with Christians, one from the papal
13:22
tradition and the other from the
13:24
royal or temporal tradition. When
13:26
those were disrupted, it was only
13:29
because Jews were understood at a
13:31
certain moment as more dangerous within
13:33
the society than beneficial to
13:35
the rulers and to the majority of the
13:37
population. You mentioned a little bit earlier that
13:40
we can view the Jewish populations as
13:42
helping to craft Western civilization
13:44
and the Latin Christian traditions to
13:46
some extent. In what
13:48
ways can we see Jewish populations
13:50
in Christian Europe being able to
13:53
assert themselves in communities? Well,
13:55
Jews were understood as having
13:58
certain abilities. to partner
14:00
with Christians, particularly even in the
14:03
10th century when Jews began to
14:05
migrate into the North after the
14:07
great invasions were over and there
14:09
was some degree of pacification, Jews
14:12
were able to do business as merchants alongside
14:15
Christian merchants. So
14:17
we have lots of evidence in legal
14:19
and story material from the 10th century
14:22
of cooperation, partnerships, in fact,
14:24
special commercial relations between a
14:26
Jew having a monopoly relationship
14:28
with a Christian client, which
14:31
has an Arabic name for friendly
14:33
partner, Ma'arufiyyah. And we
14:35
have a lot of cases of this
14:37
so that Jews and Christians played a
14:39
commercial role with each other and also
14:41
because most Christians were farmers, they were
14:44
involved in agriculture, the Jewish
14:46
story was almost from the beginning, a
14:48
middle class urban story in tiny towns
14:50
that developed in market towns on the
14:52
rivers. And Christians were sometimes
14:54
seen as competitors with them, the first
14:56
charter that we get to protect Jews
14:58
in Germany is in the town of
15:01
Speyer and the bishop there gives a
15:03
Latin charter which still exists today
15:05
indicating that he was building a wall to
15:08
protect them from their burger
15:10
competitors because he anticipated the
15:12
possibility of some rivalry. But
15:15
the bishop wanted to increase the honor of
15:17
the town and make it from a village
15:19
into a town by bringing Jews there. So
15:21
this was an example of a local
15:23
ruler seeing Jews as a positive asset
15:26
and he took advantage of a fire
15:28
in nearby Mainz where Jews were homeless
15:31
and he invited them to come to
15:33
his smaller town, his bishopric town. Mainz
15:35
was an archbishopric, a larger city and
15:38
to benefit his own Christian population, even
15:40
though he knew that sometimes there might be some
15:42
tension between them. And
15:45
do we see that ability
15:47
of Jewish populations to assert themselves and
15:50
to be involved in mercantile
15:52
activities potentially as rivals to Christian merchants
15:54
too? Do we see that driving an
15:57
emergence of antisemitism at all? Not
16:00
in the beginning. I think in
16:02
the beginning you have the interaction
16:04
of Jewish and Christian merchants as
16:06
mostly cooperative, and the
16:08
turning point that made this more
16:11
complicated was the First
16:13
Crusade, which was launched by
16:15
a reformed pope, Urban II in
16:17
1095, which very clearly developed quickly into
16:23
a campaign not only against the
16:25
enemy Muslims abroad who are occupying
16:27
the holy places, the Church of
16:29
the Holy Sepulchre, and an effort
16:31
to rescue the Byzantine Christian brethren
16:33
who were being attacked by the
16:35
Seljuk Muslim Turks. It soon
16:37
quickly became something in Europe
16:39
itself, and arguments were made
16:42
both in Latin and in Hebrew sources.
16:44
If you, the fighters of the First
16:46
Crusade, the knights who were going off
16:48
at great risk to their lives and their
16:50
property, if you are ready to go and
16:52
fight the Muslims far abroad,
16:54
enemies far abroad, you certainly should
16:56
fight the enemies who are nearby.
16:59
The reference is the first time to
17:02
the Jews of Europe as the inner
17:04
enemy, and this made things very complicated
17:06
after the end of the 11th century.
17:09
How does that idea of
17:11
Jews as an enemy within
17:14
European society, how does that emerge? Because
17:16
if people have been working together for
17:19
a long time, is it just that
17:21
crusading further begins
17:23
to identify anyone who isn't a Christian as
17:25
an enemy? Yes, I think
17:27
that's what happens. You know, we hear these
17:29
stories about genocides in different
17:31
parts of the world, and how
17:34
neighbors suddenly turned against each other
17:36
and began to kill each other. We
17:38
don't have the documentation from the late
17:40
11th century that we do for contemporary
17:43
times. We can't interview in depth, and
17:45
we don't have letters and diaries. It's
17:48
pretty clear from the text that we
17:50
do have that there was no reference
17:52
to Jews as inner enemies before this
17:54
attack from the east, and suddenly everyone
17:56
who wasn't Christian was suspect, and
17:58
Jews being insul. were
18:01
considered the inner enemy. And then everything
18:03
that could be negative from biblical sources
18:05
of the death of Jesus, the passion
18:07
accounts, all of these things suddenly were
18:10
redeployed in order to justify this sense.
18:12
And it was really a kind of
18:14
panic. The way we went after the
18:17
frenzy for AIDS, the way we went
18:19
after the fear of COVID, the way
18:21
we went after communism, after World War
18:23
II, there was a kind of
18:25
hysteria about anyone who was
18:27
not promoting Christian faith and seeing
18:30
them as enemies and Jews
18:32
became suspect. It did not
18:34
turn into an unmitigating history
18:36
of Jewish, anti-Jewish persecution, however.
18:39
It was a phase that existed for several
18:41
months. And then it was always
18:43
there as a memory, but it did
18:45
not become a continuous reality. There was a
18:47
reversion back to some degree of a modus
18:49
vivendi, but it was always there in the
18:51
memory of those who survived. And it was
18:53
preserved in the memory of those who wrote
18:55
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and fee supply. Can
21:12
we consider antisemitism then, at this
21:14
period at least, as a reaction
21:16
to losing that connection
21:18
between that doctrinal imperative that we've
21:21
talked about to keep Jews within
21:23
Christian communities? Is that becoming lost
21:25
or overridden by crusading zeal a
21:29
kind of root cause of a growth in
21:31
antisemitism? I think it was a main trigger.
21:34
I think then different forms
21:36
of imagining what Christianity meant,
21:39
particularly the notion of the body of Christ
21:42
in contemporary Christian thinking, also
21:45
fed the conception that the
21:47
Jews were potentially threatening to
21:49
this. For example, if the
21:52
body of Christ meant during the first crusade
21:54
riots in Germany, which took place as an
21:56
ancillary attack, not on Muslims, but on Jews
21:58
by the end of the by Christians who
22:00
were enthusiastically then trying to find
22:02
an enemy. If we think about
22:04
the crucifixion as a motivation, avenging
22:07
the killing of Christ in the
22:09
past, the body of Christ then
22:11
could be reinterpreted to refer to
22:13
the body of a Christian boy,
22:15
a Christ-like innocent potential saint that was
22:18
then being accused of being killed by
22:20
Jews in the present. And so you
22:22
begin to get in the middle of
22:24
the 12th century in Norwich in England,
22:27
the first time, an instantiation of what
22:29
got to be called the ritual murder
22:31
accusation. If the Eucharist becomes extraordinarily important
22:34
in the early 13th century with fourth
22:36
Lateran council and that lay people are
22:38
supposed to take communion at least on
22:40
Easter once a year, you
22:42
begin to see that the blood of
22:44
Christ becomes something which is
22:47
now sacred and potentially attacked by
22:49
Jews. And the ritual murder accusation
22:51
morphs into the ritual blood libel
22:54
that Jews ingest Christian blood. They
22:56
don't just kill Christian youth and
22:58
make them into saints. And then
23:00
the host itself becomes a special
23:02
object in the 13th century of
23:04
sanctification as the body of Christ.
23:06
And as the body of Christ
23:08
keeps developing, the Jews as the
23:10
enemy of the body of Christ
23:12
keeps changing. And these are all
23:14
fantasies. These are all imagined Jews
23:16
in the minds of Christian, mostly
23:18
clerics who are engaged by this
23:20
as their reality. And they
23:22
see this developing out of the antagonism
23:26
that began in the first crusade, the
23:28
inner enemy, and then it gets
23:30
developed into new forms of antagonism
23:32
towards the sacred body of Christ.
23:34
That development is really interesting in
23:36
the book. And I was struck
23:38
by the ways that you describe
23:41
that Judaism was very
23:43
good at differentiating between
23:46
Christianity as a
23:48
religion and Christians as individual people
23:51
in a way that Christianity failed to do
23:53
between Judaism as a religion and
23:55
Jews as people. And so Christian
23:58
sort of lost this view. of
24:00
individual Jews as people. And
24:03
I guess that facilitates the growth
24:05
in these fantastical stories of blood
24:08
libel and murders and all of
24:10
this kind of thing, because they're
24:12
dehumanizing Jewish people by
24:15
focusing on Judaism rather than Jews as individuals.
24:17
And I haven't asked the question yet, but
24:20
why do you think Judaism was so good at
24:22
making that distinction and Christianity so bad at it?
24:26
Well, I think you're right that there's
24:28
a distinction, there's an asymmetry between
24:30
the way Jews looked at
24:32
Christianity, Christians, and the way
24:34
Christians looked at Judaism, Jews.
24:37
So you have two potential
24:39
targets or sources of appreciation
24:41
or of criticism. The most
24:43
overwhelming pattern that I saw,
24:46
and this is why medieval
24:48
Christian antisemitism could become modern
24:50
secular antisemitism, is that
24:52
while Jews tended to see, based
24:55
on a rabbinic statement in the Talmud,
24:57
that Christians were not really pagans
24:59
or idolaters, they were just misguided,
25:01
they didn't understand the truth. And
25:04
therefore, Jews were not hating Christians
25:06
per se, they hated the idolatry
25:08
as they saw it of the
25:11
Christian cult, so that
25:13
it was all the invectives and
25:15
the latrine gestures and language was
25:17
all directed at Jesus and Mary
25:19
and the holy icons of
25:21
Christianity per se, but Christians were people
25:23
you could do business with, live next
25:26
door to, and eventually form
25:28
some form of a commonality in
25:30
society. Whereas on the other
25:32
side, the church was really
25:34
not able to totally attack
25:36
Judaism, because Judaism was ultimately the
25:39
underlying basis of Paul's
25:41
reinterpretation of the Hebrew Bible into
25:43
Christianity. But on the other hand,
25:45
it could hate Jews. And if
25:47
you hate Jews per se, meaning
25:49
Jews who haven't converted yet, or
25:51
Jews who are doing Judaism, but
25:53
not Judaism itself, as you
25:55
move into the modern period, hating
25:57
Jews could be transformed from.
26:00
religious hatred into other kinds of
26:02
hatred of Jews. The object of
26:04
the attack allowed for the transformation
26:07
of the earlier religious form of anti-Semitism
26:09
into what became later racial and other
26:12
forms of anti-Semitism in this imagined Jew.
26:14
You created this Jew in your
26:16
imagination and it was the source of
26:18
your anger and distrust. Yeah and that
26:21
idea of an imagined Jew I
26:23
think is interesting and if
26:25
I'm reading it right that's the idea that
26:27
you almost remove the fact that you know
26:30
I might have a next-door neighbor who's Jewish and I
26:32
get on with him and it's absolutely fine but
26:34
I have this imagined Jew who is a threat
26:37
to me and I almost
26:39
am able to erase that personal connection
26:42
to the man next door by focusing
26:44
on this idea of an imagined enemy
26:46
existing within society who is out to
26:48
get me. Right I think we have
26:51
this great ironic situation where the Jews
26:53
where we talked before never had coercive
26:55
territorial power over Christians
26:57
or over anyone else whereas in
27:00
the 12th century and following after
27:02
the crusade hysteria they were now
27:04
imagined to be an insidious form
27:07
of power over Christians
27:09
a power that threatened their very lives
27:11
and so while bodies of children might
27:13
be found in rivers or
27:15
in the forest based on some
27:18
accident or some local parental neglect
27:20
or some other form we have
27:22
lots of stories about children being
27:25
found dead suddenly when certain children
27:27
were found usually boys were found
27:29
they suddenly said it's the Jews
27:32
who ritually have murdered him so
27:34
it took a certain kind of
27:36
preset notion of an imagined Jew
27:39
as potential murderer of children or
27:41
of reenacting the crucifixion on young
27:44
innocent boys this is invented and
27:46
this invention comes about only at
27:48
a certain time and we can
27:50
see it spreading so that
27:52
I think that this is something which takes
27:55
over the reality of everyday existence
27:57
and you can coexist with your
27:59
neighbor We're at one level,
28:01
but at certain moments, the imagined
28:03
Jew kicks in and evidence
28:06
is no longer important.
28:08
Don't give me the facts, I've made up
28:11
my mind means I've imposed my cultural grid
28:13
about what reality must be on whatever
28:16
it is you actually see. And
28:18
that's why it's very important not to
28:20
confuse, well, if we knew more, we
28:22
would be able to clear up all
28:24
these kinds of confusions. This is really
28:26
a form of religious ideology, where
28:29
it's impervious to quote facts, it
28:31
makes up its own facts. And I was
28:33
struck as well, as we see
28:35
all of that divergence and antisemitism growing
28:37
and beginning to take a grip, you
28:40
get these ideas that older
28:42
Jewish men can't legitimately be
28:45
converted to Christianity. And that becomes a
28:47
way to almost hive off parts of
28:49
the Jewish community that must have alienated
28:51
the whole community, because if you're not
28:53
allowed to bring the older men with
28:55
you, what's the incentive for
28:57
anybody else to convert? And
28:59
that felt like another way in which these
29:02
lines were being drawn between communities that didn't
29:04
need to be there. Right. I
29:07
think you've hit that important point. In
29:09
the structural analysis that I tried to
29:11
make sense out of all of these
29:13
different stories and facts and laws, it
29:16
seemed to me there were three basic
29:18
elements that stuck out. One
29:20
was this story about inverted power, which
29:22
starts with Paul, that the elder shall
29:24
serve the younger and who's the elder,
29:26
who's the younger, varied between the two
29:28
religions. The second was the inner enemy
29:30
from the frenzy of the First Crusade.
29:32
And the third was this notion you
29:34
just brought up, mostly from
29:36
the second half of the 13th
29:39
century on, that conversion, when it
29:41
could possibly take place, tended to
29:43
be gender-based and even
29:45
age-based, that it would be possible,
29:47
more possible for women to convert
29:50
to Christianity than men, and that
29:52
among men, younger men, adolescents in
29:54
particular, might be more likely to
29:56
convert, whereas older men, now we're
29:59
being seen as having certain
30:01
physical characteristics, not just circumcision,
30:04
which would not change, but something
30:06
else. There are other factors. The
30:08
notion of the big hooked Jewish
30:10
nose, for example, appears about men,
30:12
older men, not about women, not
30:14
about young boys in most of
30:16
the sources, even in the pictorial
30:18
versions as well. There is the
30:20
notion that Jewish men are somehow
30:22
effeminate, but in a negative way,
30:24
and even bleed once a year,
30:27
that they menstruate on Easter or some other
30:29
kind of bleeding, which makes them like women.
30:31
They're not really men. And that
30:34
there's something physical about Jewish men,
30:36
especially older men, that makes it
30:38
impossible for them to really convert.
30:40
So that, again, if they
30:42
did convert, you suspect that they're really still
30:44
Jewish. It's a kind of parallel to the
30:46
inner enemy idea. I mean, it just strikes
30:49
me as horrendously sad that
30:51
this should have developed in a really
30:53
unnecessary way, that you have these communities
30:55
who initially get on really, really well.
30:57
And then because of a Christian drive
30:59
to go to the Near East to
31:02
fight a Muslim population, the
31:05
Jewish population within Europe gets
31:07
wrapped up in that wave. And
31:10
that connection that had existed between the
31:12
two communities is severed, and not just
31:14
severed, but walls are built
31:16
between it. And this imagination
31:18
of a threat that was never
31:20
really there, it all seems so
31:23
unnecessary. And as you've kind of said,
31:25
not based in any kind of fact
31:28
at all either. Well, I think the
31:30
crusade frenzy was actually an extension of
31:32
a program that had begun in Europe,
31:35
particularly in France, a few
31:37
decades before, in an
31:39
attempt to make the Christian European world
31:42
a perfect society based on Christian law
31:44
and theory. And this was done by
31:46
a group of reform popes, one of
31:49
whom was the Pope Urban II who
31:51
preached the crusade, which was an extension
31:53
to the Holy Land of the proper
31:55
hierarchy of Christians being on top and
31:58
in charge of their society.
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